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The injustice done to an individual is sometimes of service to the public. Facts are apt to alarm us more than the most dangerous principles.
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The liberty of the press is the palladium of all the civil, political, and religious rights of an Englishman.
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The lives of the best of us are spent in choosing between evils.
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We owe it to our ancestors to preserve entire those rights, which they have delivered to our care: we owe it to our posterity, not to suffer their dearest inheritance to be destroyed.
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The integrity of men is to be measured by their conduct, not by their professions.
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It is a maxim received in life that, in general, we can determine more wisely for others than for ourselves. The reason of it is so dear in argument that it hardly wants the confirmation of experience.
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It is the coward who fawns upon those above him. It is the coward who is insolent whenever he dares be so.
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As for the differences of opinion upon speculative questions, if we wait till they are reconciled, the action of human affairs must be suspended forever. But neither are we to look for perfection in any one man, nor for agreement among many.
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Let all your views in life be directed to a solid, however moderate, independence; without it no man can be happy, nor even honest.
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Compassion to an offender who has grossly violated the laws is, in effect, a cruelty to the peaceable subject who has observed them.
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However distinguished by rank or property, in the rights of freedom we are all equal.
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We lament the mistakes of a good man, and do not begin to detest him until he affects to renounce his principles.
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When once a man is determined to believe, the very absurdity of the doctrine confirms him in his faith.
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I believe there is yet a spirit of resistance in this country, which will not submit to be oppressed; but I am sure there is a fund of good sense in this country, which cannot be deceived.
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If individuals have no virtues, their vices may be of use to us.
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The least considerable man among us has an interest equal to the proudest nobleman, in the laws and constitution of his country, and is equally called upon to make a generous contribution in support of them — whether it be the heart to conceive, the understanding to direct, or the hand to execute.
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The government of England is a government of law. We betray ourselves, we contradict the spirit of our laws, and we shake the whole system of English jurisprudence, whenever we entrust a discretionary power over the life, liberty, or fortune of the subject to any man, or set of men, whatsoever, upon a presumption that it will not be abused.
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The submission of free people to the executive authority of government, is no more than a compliance with laws which they themselves have enacted.
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Is this the wisdom of a great minister? or is it the ominous vibration of a pendulum?
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The right of election is the very essence of the constitution.
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There is a moment of difficulty and danger at which flattery and falsehood can no longer deceive, and simplicity itself can no longer be misled.
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One precedent creates another. They soon accumulate and constitute law. What yesterday was fact, today is doctrine.
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When the constitution is openly invaded, when the first original right of the people, from which all laws derive their authority, is directly attacked, inferior grievances naturally lose their force, and are suffered to pass by without punishment or observation.
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As for Mr Wedderburne, there is something about him, which even treachery cannot trust.
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There is a holy mistaken zeal in politics as well as in religion. By persuading others, we convince ourselves.
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No written law has ever been more binding than unwritten custom supported by popular opinion.
Carrie Chapman Catt
Junius
Bio:
Junius was the pseudonym of a writer who contributed a series of letters to the Public Advertiser, from 21 January 1769 to 21 January 1772. The signature had been already used, apparently by him, in a letter of 21 November 1768.
Most used words:
laws
man
understanding
government
rights
country
constitution
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